By Milena Hristova

Bulgaria's leftist President Georgi Parvanov made history on October 29. He became the first head of state to be re-elected after a defeat of nationalist leader Volen Siderov with a record-high 75% of the votes. The second Parvanov term may prove a more conciliatory one. But only if he is prepared to deal with the more than 3 million Bulgarians, who boycotted the elections.

NEW TERM, OLD HEADACHES

Second terms always pose a problem. With nothing left to run for, the president strives to live up to his first term, feeling that power is slipping away. Georgi Parvanov knows how to tackle that feeling because he has been there before. In 2001 it was generally assumed that a man elected with such a surprise victory would be a lame-duck. But Parvanov drove his presidency with determination. Given the 75 % of the votes that he garnered for his second term, it would be foolish to discount the president.

"My victory is a historic and unprecedented event in the history of the country during its years of transition," President Georgi Parvanov said in his first press conference after the win.

"The Bulgarians voted reasonably, wisely and with responsibility," he said amid applauses by Prime Minister Sergey Stanishev, cabinet ministers, ruling coalition leaders, foreign diplomats and numerous journalists.

In Parvanov's words the vote results showed the mobilization of all the ruling political forces and their "unconditional support" for his candidature.

What does Parvanov want to do with such a broad support? His basic course seems to come down to four words: much of the same.

At home, he wants to see the three-party ruling coalition stay in office and keep ethnic peace intact, no matter the price. The odds are that he will succeed in this. His election victory is widely seen as a guarantee for the survival of the coalition till the end of its term, formed on the mandate of no other but the ethnic Turkish Movement for Rights and Freedoms.

Abroad, Parvanov's priority remains the trial of six death-sentenced Bulgarian medics in Libya and the country's involvement in missions abroad, Iraq in particular.

MORE RIGHTS?

The presidential post is largely ceremonial in Bulgaria, but has the right to a veto, enjoys the respect of the people and may serve as a corrective - both personally and through consultative councils.

At the beginning of his first term Parvanov saw clear limits between what he wants and what he can do. The parties tried to isolate him from signing international contracts and even urged that he is elected by the parliament, not by the people. The people, however, recognized the president as their guy in power and wanted him to be an active player.

And an active player Parvanov is obliged to be during the next five years - to justify the trust of 2,000,030 Bulgarians and win on his side those 3,755,531 Bulgarians, who did not vote. Otherwise the deep divides that prevent him now from being a president of all Bulgarians will remain.

What does Parvanov should do?

Domestically, Parvanov should push for his right to initiate a referendum. It is a debate that could easily get bogged down in parliamentary wrangling and will not be resolved quickly. But it is something that the president may feel, given his new mandate, that it is the time to throw his full weight behind it.

The electorate will be happy to see their president wield a stronger veto on bills and be entitled to approve or reject ministers, linked to security and defense.

On the foreign front, as head of the armed forces, Parvanov should overhaul the special services and the army with the aim of building confidence in the country's allies.

FACE OFF WITH A FIREBRAND

Parvanov's victory may have been easy and predictable, but was preceded by an embarrassing run-off with nationalist leader Volen Siderov.

Experts played down Siderov's showing but he dealt a heavy blow to all mainstream parties. A response to what was firebrand Volen Siderov? Aggression against the status quo? The end of Bulgaria's much-famed ethnic model? A breakthrough in the presidency? It seems both dangerous to either undermine the threat or overreact.

Siderov capitalized on the anger at crime, corruption, poverty and tapped on the ethnic debate. The power that Parvanov handed to the ethnic Turks gave him a bad reputation, many votes and a powerful card in Siderov's hands.

Brussels may shudder at the thought that an ultra-nationalist became the second-best candidate to usher the country through the threshold of the European Union. But Parvanov himself said he does understand and sympathize with the nationalists' voters and their woes.

How were the nationalists born? Thanks to the Socialist Party of President Georgi Parvanov itself. In terms of foreign policy, health care and social services, the more than one-hundred-year-old party is as close to the right-wing parties as it could be. It left the spacious territories in the leftist parts of the political spectrum empty and eager someone to conquer them. And thus invited Volen Siderov to fill in yet another chasm.

The elections results however proved that Volen Siderov is no panacea to the pain. He is only its voice.

ELECTIONS 2006 & MEDIA

Seventeen years after communism officially ended and amidst the increasing commercialisation of the media, Bulgarian journalists are learning how to come to grips with the manipulations that threaten free speech. The final stretch of Elections 2006 raised the rhetorical question: "How free is free speech in Bulgaria? Unfortunately, major outlets failed the test.

Elections 2006 were the chance for all to point out the difference between free speech and free talk, between the duty to show and speak the truth and the duty to see the truth as you are expected to see it. It is the one-sided coverage and quick slamming of labels that will make the last week memorable. A number of television broadcasts and articles in the national media turned into an excellent example of how to use the right to free speech to blackmail with ghosts from the past and play in a grand way with the ethnic card.

Georgi Parvanov himself was directly involved in a media scandal after Ivo Indzhev, one of Bulgaria's most prominent journalists was kicked out of national private bTV for apparently libelling Parvanov. Indzhev blamed it all on the presidency and slammed the president as an arm-twister.

The story questioned the integrity of the president and sadly reminded him of one more priority - to pursue and protect media independence.

In his campaign there was a sign, which forbids turning backwards. In politics the only way not to turn backwards is to make a step forward.



* Dear readers,

By the end of the year we are going to present to you in the Faces section the first five top scorers in Novinite.com annual personality vote. The series of articles so far included Albena Denkova & Maxim Staviski, Boyko Borisov and
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Novinite.com poll is your opportunity to credit those who deserve the most for promoting Bulgaria abroad!