On June 3, the mayor of Momchilgrad, Ilknur Kyazim, publicly aligned with Delyan Peevski’s “DPS–New Beginning” faction, distancing herself from Ahmed Dogan’s faction. The announcement came with a photo of Kyazim alongside Peevski. Just two days later, on June 5, a separate announcement - this time with a photo featuring Regional Development Minister Ivan Ivanov - revealed that Momchilgrad would receive government funding for two local infrastructure projects.

The first project involves full construction work in the "Orfei" neighborhood. Plans include laying out a new street, installing a water supply and sewage system, building sidewalks, and setting up street lighting. The specifics call for 1,599 meters of new water pipes, 1,077 meters of sewage lines, and 871 meters of stormwater drainage.

The second project focuses on street repairs in the Sapunovska area. Three streets - Kapitan Petko Voyvoda, Stara Planina, and Chuchuliga - are set for full refurbishment. Pavement tiles and curbs will be replaced, with the total stretch of the repairs covering 1,183 meters.

This sequence of events - political switch followed closely by project funding - drew attention at the national level. Just a week earlier, former finance minister Asen Vassilev raised concerns that Peevski’s growing influence over local mayors might be tied to promises of financial incentives from the state.

Meanwhile, tensions within the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (DPS) have deepened. Following the resignation of Dzhevdet Chakarov and Peevski’s formal takeover of the party, the faction aligned with Dogan has taken a dramatic step. According to EUalive and confirmed by sources within the DPS-Dogan circle, members of this group have submitted a letter to the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), requesting that the DPS itself be targeted by Magnitsky sanctions.

The letter argues that under Peevski’s leadership, the party risks becoming a mechanism for evading sanctions. It notes that Peevski now controls the party’s state subsidy, which amounts to approximately one million leva. The authors allege that the party is being used for unlawful activities such as laundering money, buying votes, and trading influence. They have declared their willingness to cooperate fully with U.S. authorities, including providing documentation and witness testimony.

Ironically, before the rift within the DPS, many of the same figures now speaking out had previously defended Peevski, asserting that Magnitsky sanctions held no legal weight within the EU.

Delyan Peevski’s influence is expanding rapidly, and with each passing day, his grip on the political landscape appears firmer. One by one, mayors from across the country are aligning themselves with him. State institutions follow his lead without hesitation. His authority now seems unquestionable, and there is little sign that anyone intends - or dares - to challenge it.

At the end of May, Dzhevdet Chakarov publicly appeared in a photo alongside Peevski and formally stepped down as DPS chairman, withdrawing any legal claims. With that, Peevski was left as the sole leader of the party. It later emerged that the Anti-Corruption Commission had allegedly exerted pressure on Chakarov’s son ahead of the announcement.

In parliament, Peevski’s faction - rebranded as “DPS – New Beginning” - is already part of the majority that supports the current government. When he called for increased authority for regulatory bodies like the Consumer Protection Commission and the Competition Protection Commission, GERB leader Boyko Borissov promptly agreed. Peevski directed these agencies to investigate fuel issues - and they quickly complied.

His social media updates routinely become headlines, with national TV channels displaying his posts as captions and his parliamentary speeches aired in full during the news. A steady stream of local mayors continues to visit his office, and each visit is followed by a photo - another visible sign of allegiance to Peevski.

Meanwhile, the prosecution appears to steer clear of any scrutiny involving Peevski himself, though it remains visibly active in targeting his rivals - both political and economic.

Sources:

• Dnevnik
• BTA
• Radio Free Europe
• BNR