On May 27, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz clarified that the decision to lift range restrictions on weapons delivered to Ukraine was made months ago, not as a recent change. Speaking alongside Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo in Turku, Merz explained that the debate over limiting the range of weapons had been settled months earlier, with the countries involved abandoning those limitations. His statement underscored that Ukraine now has the right to use Western-supplied arms beyond its own borders, specifically targeting military objectives in Russia.

Merz’s remarks followed comments he made the day before in Berlin, in which he stated that Germany, the U.S., the U.K., and France had removed all range restrictions on weapons provided to Ukraine. At the time, he said this shift meant that Ukraine could use these weapons to defend itself, including by striking Russian military positions, something it had not done extensively before. While this caused confusion, Merz’s statement in Turku made clear he was referencing the easing of restrictions that occurred in late 2024.

During that period, the Biden administration and other allies allowed Ukraine to deploy long-range missiles, such as ATACMS, Storm Shadow, and SCALP, against military targets inside Russian territory. German Vice Chancellor Lars Klingbeil confirmed no new decisions have been made since then, noting that Merz’s comments referred to the earlier policy change rather than any fresh announcement.

Merz’s stance has drawn mixed reactions. Ralf Stegner of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) labeled the clarification “unhelpful” and called for a focus on diplomacy. Conversely, former defense minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer praised Merz for acknowledging Ukraine’s right to defend itself against Russian aggression. Merz, who previously said he would reverse former Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s refusal to send Taurus cruise missiles to Ukraine, has not yet confirmed any deliveries of these missiles since taking office.

Reports from the German Foreign Ministry, as cited by the newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung (SZ) on May 27, indicate that coordination between the U.S. and the EU on enforcing sanctions against Russia has collapsed, threatening the coherence of the sanctions regime. According to an EU ministerial meeting report on May 20, EU sanctions chief David O’Sullivan noted there is “no more outreach” with Washington on sanctions enforcement and that G7 coordination on sanctions evasion has also lost momentum.

This development contradicts earlier statements from German officials, who had assured the public that the EU’s 18th sanctions package was being prepared in close consultation with the U.S. European leaders have vowed to increase economic pressure on Russia after it rejected ceasefire proposals in Ukraine.

Ukrainian sanctions official Vladyslav Vlasiuk disputed SZ’s report, calling it exaggerated. He said that despite political complexities, communication within the sanctions coalition remains active and that U.S. support is crucial in persuading Hungary not to block the upcoming EU sanctions package.

The U.S. has played a leading role in enforcing sanctions against Russia since the invasion of Ukraine, working with the EU and G7 to limit Russia’s military-industrial capabilities and cut it off from crucial resources. However, President Donald Trump’s approach has been inconsistent, alternating between threatening new economic measures and hinting at a possible withdrawal from sanctions efforts after discussions with Russian President Vladimir Putin. Trump reportedly reversed course again this week, after condemning Russian attacks on Ukrainian cities, and is considering new sanctions.

The internal report also mentioned that trade restrictions are significantly impacting Russia’s economy and limiting the supply of war-related goods through third-party countries, including efforts to counter Russia’s “shadow fleet” of sanctions-busting tankers. The EU’s forthcoming 18th sanctions package may disconnect more than 20 Russian banks from SWIFT, lower the price cap on Russian crude to around $45 per barrel, ban the Nord Stream gas pipelines, and impose 2.5 billion euros in new trade curbs, according to Bloomberg.

Germany is reportedly planning to supply Ukraine with older PAC-2 missiles for its Patriot air defense systems, the Washington Post reported on May 26, citing a European diplomat. The PAC-2s are seen as a stopgap to replenish Kyiv’s dwindling stocks, as Ukraine’s Patriots have been heavily used to counter Russia’s drone and missile barrages.

The U.S. had earlier authorized Germany to transfer 100 Patriot missiles to Ukraine. While newer PAC-3 missiles have advanced hit-to-kill technology and are better suited to intercept modern ballistic threats, the PAC-2s lack those precision capabilities. A senior Ukrainian intelligence official acknowledged that even the PAC-3s have struggled to intercept Russia’s upgraded intermediate-range ballistic missiles, like the Oreshnik, which Russia used in a deadly November attack on Dnipro.

The European diplomat noted that the French-Italian Aster missile is the only other air defense option in Europe that might be capable of intercepting ballistic missiles, but it remains untested in combat. The older PAC-2s also take up more space on launchers, allowing only four per launcher compared to 16 PAC-3s.

This report on Germany’s possible missile delivery emerged after Ukraine endured several days of heavy Russian airstrikes. Ukrainian Air Force spokesperson Yurii Ihnat said Russia is adapting its missile tactics, employing radar decoys and evasive maneuvers to make its missiles harder to intercept. President Volodymyr Zelensky has requested ten full Patriot batteries from Washington, but President Trump has dismissed the request outright. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Washington is instead urging other NATO nations to fill the gap.