"It's deeds we need, not words" - Vasil Levski

In the annals of Bulgarian history, few names resonate as profoundly as Vasil Levski. Known as the "Apostle of Freedom," Levski’s journey is not just one of resistance, but a testament to the power of ideals in the face of overwhelming odds. His relentless dedication to the cause of Bulgarian independence, driven by his vision for a republic of equality and justice, set him apart from his contemporaries. Levski’s influence is still deeply felt in Bulgaria today, as his legacy transcends the confines of a revolutionary figure, becoming a symbol of the enduring quest for freedom and the nation’s collective identity. His life and contributions, marked by audacity and sacrifice, continue to inspire generations. To truly understand Levski’s monumental role in Bulgarian history, one must look not only at his actions but also at the profound ideals that drove them.

Vasil Ivanov Kunchev, later known as Vasil Levski, was born on July 6, 1837 (July 18, New Style) in Karlovo. He began his education in 1845 at the monastery school in his hometown, and by the following year, he was enrolled at the local mutual school. At the age of 14, he lost his father, and his uncle, Vasil Karaivanov, took on the responsibility of raising him. Between 1852 and 1854, he lived at a monastery on Mount Athos, where he studied church singing. After his uncle moved to Stara Zagora, Levski followed and completed the second grade at the local school. Due to his impressive academic performance, his uncle promised to send him to Russia for further studies, but this never came to fruition. In 1856-1857, Levski attended the priestly school of Atanas Ivanov in Stara Zagora, and the following year, he was ordained as a deacon, taking the name Ignatius. In 1858, he became a hierodeacon and worked as a church singer at the Holy Virgin church in Karlovo.

What prompted this young man, who seemed destined for a life in the clergy, to turn to revolutionary activity? A significant influence came from the renowned Bulgarian revolutionary Georgi Rakovski, who was conducting a major propaganda campaign that deeply impacted Bulgarian youth. In 1861, amidst an economic crisis in the Ottoman Empire and policies that oppressed Bulgarians, revolutionary circles began to stir. Levski, along with Stoil Popov from Kalofer, made some of the first attempts to rally the people for a fight. However, Bulgarian society was not yet ready for rebellion, and Levski’s first revolutionary attempt failed.

Rather than abandoning the cause, Levski left his hometown on March 3, 1862, and traveled to Serbia to join the First Bulgarian Legion, which had been organized by Rakovski. Legend has it that during military drills, he made a leap that would later be known as the "Levski jump" (coming from "lion's jump") a moment that led to him adopting his famous nickname. It was here that Levski met other Bulgarian intellectuals involved in the revolutionary movement and gained his first combat experience, fighting valiantly against Turkish forces. After the legion disbanded, he joined the forces of Ilio Voivoda. In 1863, Levski spent some time in Romania before returning to Bulgaria in the summer. He was briefly imprisoned in Plovdiv for his involvement in the legion, but thanks to the intervention of influential Bulgarians, he was released. Later that year, he attended Joakim Gruev’s grade school for a short period. Levski’s inquisitive nature and growing disillusionment with his uncle's broken promises led him to move away from academic pursuits and embrace revolutionary ideals.

From 1864 to early 1867, Levski worked as a teacher in various Bulgarian villages, including Voinyagovo, Enikoy, and Kongas. He taught children how to read and write, sharing stories about Bulgaria’s glorious past, singing haidushki songs, and often holding lessons outdoors. Alongside his teaching, he engaged in revolutionary propaganda and organized local groups to defend against Turkish and Circassian bandits. In the spring of 1867, Levski traveled to Romania, where, at Rakovski's recommendation, he was appointed bayraktar in Panayot Hitov’s detachment.

In Belgrade, Levski reinforced his connections from the First Legion and met new revolutionaries, such as Angel Kanchev and Lyuben Karavelov. However, soon after the formation of the Second Legion, the Serbian government began to act aggressively towards the legionnaires, ultimately disbanding the group. This treatment led Levski to reevaluate his revolutionary beliefs. He came to understand that foreign governments’ support for Bulgarian uprisings was not given selflessly, a perspective that differed from Rakovski’s theory, which advocated for rebellion through foreign-supported detachments.

Levski’s experience with Panayot Hitov's detachment and its failure, along with his early revolutionary attempts in 1861, made him realize that the focus of the revolution must shift toward the interior of Bulgaria. He believed that the creation of a solid network of committees within the Ottoman Empire was the key to preparing the people for a rebellion. Though initially a difficult concept to adopt, this strategy became fundamental to every future Bulgarian revolutionary movement, including the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization. In early 1868, due to a serious operation, Levski was forced to delay his plans as he struggled to recover.

Once his health improved, Levski traveled to Romania to escape the persecution of legionnaires by the Serbian authorities. In August 1868, he arrived in Bucharest and made contact with the "Bulgarian Society," which financed his first tour of Bulgaria. It is believed that in the autumn of the same year, Levski met and lived with Hristo Botev under harsh conditions in an abandoned mill near Bucharest. According to this account, Botev was deeply impressed by Levski’s character. In a letter to Kiro Tuleshkov, Botev described Levski’s unwavering optimism, even in the most dire situations:

“My friend Levski, with whom we live, is an unheard-of character. When we are in the most critical situation, he is as cheerful then as when he is in the best situation. Cold, wood and stone are cracking, hungry for three days, and he sings and is cheerful. In the evening, until we go to bed, he sings; in the morning, as soon as he opens his eyes, he sings again. No matter how desperate you are, he will cheer you up and make you forget all your suffering. It is pleasant to live with such people.”

However, the authenticity of this letter has been questioned, as the original has not been found, and its first publication was by author Zahari Stoyanov.

On December 11, 1868, Levski departed for Constantinople by steamer from Turnu Magurele. From there, he began his first tour of Bulgaria, supported by the "Bulgarian Society." He visited Plovdiv, Perushtitsa, Karlovo, Sopot, Kazanlak, Sliven, Tarnovo, Lovech, Pleven, and Nikopol, meeting with trusted contacts and gauging the people's readiness for rebellion. Encouraged by the initial progress, he returned to Bucharest on February 24.

On May 1, 1869, Levski embarked on his second tour of Bulgaria. This time, he was equipped with information about internal figures, along with a power of attorney and a proclamation purportedly issued by the Provisional Government in the Balkans. While such a government did not exist, Levski astutely realized that presenting himself on behalf of an authoritative organization would help win the support of the people. He established connections in Romania, including with Danail Popov, who initially recommended him to his brother in Pleven and later served as Levski’s liaison with émigré circles in Wallachia. Popov’s brother introduced Levski to individuals loyal to the cause in towns near Pleven, initiating the formation of a committee network in Pleven, Lovech, Troyan, Karlovo, Kalofer, Kazanlak, Plovdiv, Sopot, Chirpan, and other regions. During this second tour, Levski reassessed the people's readiness for an uprising and concluded that much more preparation was required before action could be taken.

On August 26, 1869, Levski returned to Bucharest with a clearer understanding of the situation in Bulgaria and the prospects for the committee network’s success. He now had to persuade the émigré revolutionary intelligentsia of the validity of his approach. However, he initially faced significant resistance, as many revolutionaries still hoped for external support. By the end of the year, Levski, along with Lyuben Karavelov, helped found the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee (BRCC). Although Karavelov adopted some of Levski's ideas, their views on the revolution’s strategy differed fundamentally. Karavelov believed that the participation of neighboring Balkan peoples was crucial to the success of the revolution, while Levski argued that such involvement could support the uprising but that the primary role must be played by the Bulgarian people.

Levski maintained that until the Bulgarians were fully prepared for an independent uprising, they should avoid alliances with neighboring nations or governments. He had vivid memories of how the Serbian government treated the legionnaires and was determined not to enter into any agreements with Serbia, at least not while monarchical nationalism and the idea of "Old Serbia" persisted there. Levski did, however, support the idea of common actions among the Balkan peoples and envisioned a Balkan federation, but unlike Rakovski and Karavelov, who envisioned a united state encompassing all Balkan peoples, Levski wanted an independent Bulgarian state, where the Bulgarian people would be on equal footing with their neighbors.

Levski’s perspective on the Western Great Powers was similarly pragmatic. He understood that these powers tolerated the Ottoman Empire for their own strategic interests in the Eastern Question, but he remained focused on the ultimate goal of Bulgarian independence. In contrast to the more conservative factions within the national movement, Levski took a principled stance toward Tsarist Russia, recognizing the differences between Russia’s policies and the goals of the Bulgarian revolution. While he saw the potential for joint action in the fight against the Ottoman Empire, he was aware of the fundamental differences in their objectives.

Levski's determination to maintain the independence of the revolutionary movement, free from foreign influence, regardless of the source, was primarily driven by his national-patriotic beliefs. This was evident in 1869 when, after encountering a Russian agent recommended by the Odessa Bulgarian Board of Trustees as a patriot, Levski swiftly expelled him.

Disillusioned by the resistance he faced among the émigrés, Levski returned to Bulgaria in May 1870 to focus on completing the committee network and establishing the IRO (Internal Revolutionary Organization). He chose Lovech as the organization’s capital, with its local committee also serving as a BRCC. From 1870 to 1872, Bulgarian revolutionary circles were divided between two ideologies and two central committees—Karavelov's in Bucharest and Levski's in Bulgaria. The IRO began to take shape as a formidable revolutionary force.

Recognizing the need for funds to support the cause, Levski turned to the chorbadzhii class, despite his disdain for them (in areas with a predominantly Christian population, such as the Bulgarian lands, "chorbadzhii" were called members of the rich elite: wealthy merchants, usurers, large landowners). He believed that contributions should be voluntary, but if any individual refused, revolutionary pressure could be applied.

By the end of 1871, the IRO had become the only real force capable of advancing the Bulgarian cause. The committees were active in recruiting supporters, raising funds, and acquiring weapons. Levski maintained ties with the Bucharest BRCC, primarily through Danail Popov. That year, the BRCC sent two assistants to aid Levski: Angel Kanchev and the notorious Dimitar Obshti (Obshti translates to common).

In parallel with strengthening the IRO, Levski turned his attention to drafting a document that would serve as the organization’s program and statute. While the exact timing of its creation remains uncertain, it is believed to have been completed between August and September of 1871. Levski called it the "Order to the Workers for the Liberation of the Bulgarian People." The first part of the "Order" outlines his vision for the uprising, emphasizing that it should be a universal people’s cause, involving all social classes—those with means, knowledge, and the ability to bear arms. The uprising was to take place in winter, when people would be in the villages and cities, and the Turks would face difficulties in suppressing it. The second part of the “Order” defines the organizational structure, as well as the rights and duties of the committees and their members. The central committee had the authority to make decisions regarding the uprising, recruitment, and armament, while the local committees were the core of the revolution’s implementation. Notably, Levski allowed the committees to submit ideas, with the political platform clearly stating that all decisions should be made by “majority vote.”

In early 1872, the IRO pursued unification with the Bucharest BRCC. Levski’s activities were embraced, and from April 29 to May 5, the first general meeting of the BRCC was held in Bucharest. The domestic activists held a 33-to-17 advantage over the émigrés. During the meeting on April 29, a commission was elected, consisting of Lyuben Karavelov, Vasil Levski, Kiryak Tsankov, and Todor Peev, tasked with drafting the BRCC's program and statute. The commission completed the work that same day, as the documents had likely been prepared beforehand during meetings between Levski and Karavelov. Despite Levski’s proposed structure for the BRCC, which called for two central committees—one in Bulgaria and one in Bucharest—Karavelov’s ideas prevailed. The new plan envisioned a single BRCC, with its location left undecided.

It is often stated that Levski made concessions in the interest of unity between the internal organization and émigré activists, but these compromises did not weaken the foundation of his revolutionary-democratic platform. His strategic vision for the revolution remained intact. The new program of the BRCC set the primary goal of liberating Bulgaria through revolution, “both moral and with arms.” Levski was appointed “chief apostle” of all Bulgaria, and each member of the Central Committee (CC) was authorized to represent the entire committee, provided they had a "letter of authorization." This letter granted Levski extensive powers, which he used to continue his work within Bulgaria.

On July 1, 1872, with the letter of authorization in hand, Levski returned to Bulgaria and resumed his efforts to organize the committees. He also focused on securing arms, and the forced collection of funds, primarily from the chorbadzhiii, became standard practice. Levski requested Karavelov’s assistance in arranging military training for 150-200 Bulgarians at the Belgrade Military School, to later serve as leaders of the uprising.

After the meeting in Bucharest, the number of organizations in Bulgaria increased, but Levski found that the assistants appointed to him were not very helpful. As a result, he decided to divide Bulgaria into revolutionary districts—Orkhanie (modern-day Botevgrad), Tarnovo, Sliven, Lovech, and others. Each district center was to manage the local committees, with secret police to oversee operations and monitor enemy activity. A covert post office, utilizing passwords, codes, and pseudonyms, was also established. However, these efforts were hampered by turmoil within the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee (BRCC) in 1872 and 1873.

Dimitar Obshti, appointed by the Central Committee as Levski's assistant, is considered the main cause of the disruption. Obshti's undisciplined and arrogant behavior, along with his plots against Levski, led to internal divisions. Levski requested that the Central Committee “restrain” Obshti, and although the Central Committee confirmed Levski’s leadership, it allowed him to issue a final warning to Obshti, with the potential for a death penalty if his behavior continued. However, this was ineffective.

Levski initially agreed that robberies of state institutions could be used to fund the revolution, but only once the organization was well-established. He prohibited Obshti from organizing a robbery of the Turkish post office in the Arabakonak Pass. Despite the ban, Obshti went ahead with the plan, and on September 22, 1872, the robbery took place. Initially, the authorities believed it was the work of “dismissed soldiers,” but after a few of the participants talked, they realized the true nature of the attack and captured Obshti. Instead of adhering to the unwritten laws, Obshti revealed details about the organization, leading to the exposure of the revolutionary conspiracy.

The Turkish authorities obtained irrefutable evidence of a rebel organization within the empire, led by the already-wanted Vasil Levski. Levski, upon learning of Obshti’s betrayal, warned local committees to take precautions. Meanwhile, the Central Committee issued an unclear and inadequate response to the robbery, initially ordering an attack on the prison to release the captured rebels, and then calling for an early uprising. Levski considered an attack on the prison but realized it would have disastrous consequences for the movement. A premature uprising, given the heightened government vigilance, was equally unfeasible.

Levski, loyal to the principle of majority rule, did not oppose the Central Committee’s decisions outright, but pushed each committee to comply with its orders. Ultimately, the consensus aligned with Levski's view that the people were still unprepared for an uprising. Determined to prevent an ill-timed rebellion, Levski decided to travel to Romania and persuade the Central Committee to reconsider. He aimed to present the actual state of popular sentiment, while instructing the internal committees to continue preparing for the revolt. Many comrades advised Levski to go into hiding until the unrest subsided. Meanwhile, the Ottoman government began strengthening its network of spies to locate Levski.

Levski arrived in Lovech on December 25, 1872, to find the situation dire. The local committee was ineffective, and the authorities were on high alert. The house of committee chairman Father Krastyo was under surveillance, making a meeting between him and the Apostle impossible. On December 26, Levski, accompanied by Nikola Tsvetkov, left for Tarnovo, carrying the organization’s archive hidden in Tsvetkov’s saddlebag. They stayed overnight at the Kakrinsko inn, owned by Hristo Tsonev Latinetsa, a member of the committee. According to the most widely accepted version, Levski was to meet with Father Krastyo there, who ultimately betrayed him. Other versions suggest that the holy man may not have been responsible for the betrayal. Regardless, the Apostle of Freedom was captured by guards surrounding the inn. He attempted to escape by firing shots but was wounded and apprehended. From Kakrina, he was transported back to Lovech, then to Tarnovo and Sofia, where he faced trial.

In court, Levski maintained a firm stance, revealing no details about the organization and taking full responsibility for its activities. He boldly defended the cause of revolution and Bulgaria's right to freedom. Despite the judges, including the Bulgarian Ivancho Hadzhipenchovich, trying various tricks to make him talk by asking confusing and misleading questions, Levski remained unshaken. When these tactics failed, the judges confronted him with former comrades such as Didyo Peev, Hadji Stanyo, Petko Milev, and others. Still, Levski did not flinch. On January 8, the court presented him with Dimitar Obshti, the man responsible for his capture. Obshti betrayed Levski and divulged details about his activities. According to some memoirs, Levski stood up and spat at the traitor, although Professor Nikolay Genchev dismisses this claim, arguing that Levski would not have defiled himself in such a manner.

The trial remains shrouded in mystery, with no reports from either the Turkish press or the international media. The world was unaware of the dramatic events at the court in Sofia, where a Bulgarian stood alone against an empire, driven by his will and belief in the people's cause.

Levski was sentenced to death and, on February 6, 1873 (18 New Style), was hanged at the site where his monument now stands in Sofia. His execution sent shockwaves through revolutionary circles in Bulgaria and Romania and marked the beginning of a crisis that would forever alter the course of the movement.

Levski left behind around 140-150 letters and proclamations, which outlined his progressive ideas about equality, human rights, democratic governance, inter-people communication, and equality before the law—concepts that remain relevant and influential today.

Vasil Levski's life and sacrifice remain a testament to the power of vision and conviction in the face of tyranny. Though he was captured and executed by the Ottoman authorities, his revolutionary ideas and actions ignited the flame of independence in Bulgaria, fueling the broader national movement that would eventually lead to the country's liberation. Levski's belief in a free Bulgaria, one where justice and equality would prevail, continues to resonate today. His enduring legacy is a symbol of the strength of character and resolve that transcends time, making him a cornerstone of Bulgarian national identity and freedom.

More Bulgarians you should know about:

Ivan Vazov

Ivan Milev

Dechko Uzunov

Rayna Knyaginya

Peyo Yavorov