How many Times were Diplomatic Relations between Russia and Bulgaria Severed
If we look at history, there are not many cases in which relations between Bulgaria and Russia at the state level were as bad as they are at the moment.
The PR(o)active PResident
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Photo by Yuliana Nikolova (Sofia Photo Agency)
Second inaugurations always pose a problem. With nothing left to run for, all the president can do is try to live up to his first term. For Parvanov the feeling is all the more acute. He saw millions of Bulgarians boycotting him last year and was forced to vow to be an active player this year.
The president pledged Monday to make up for "the deficit of new ideas" and slammed the "mode of thinking for the mandate's sake" that plagues upon Bulgarian politicians and pushes them into "trivial debates".
Is he any different?
Bulgarians have seen many examples of how a high-ranking politician should not talk - from the ambiguous and broken Bulgarian of the former prime minister Simeon Saxe-Coburg to the meandering, flowery and all too hazy style of President Georgi Parvanov. And it does not take a psychologist to see that the speech translates best they way one thinks and acts.
Facts bear out the theory.
Parvanov says he despises attempts to capitalize on the plight of the jailed nurses in Libya. Yet it was him, who used images from his visit to Libya in his pre-election campaign and shrugged off calls to take away the medals bestowed on the Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi.
Parvanov says he loves to work with the ruling coalition. Yet it was his people, who frowned at the recent issue of the Socialist new social policy program, just two days before he presents the social economic strategy of his second term. And spawned rumors of setting up a new party.
Parvanov says the commission handling the secret files of former State Security is free to check at its own will the past of his advisors. Yet it must be him, who should know best that the new legislation does not make this an obligatory requirement when it comes to presidential advisers.
What new does actually Parvanov want to do? Turning back to his inaugural speech for clues has one problem. He created an atmosphere of finger wagging anxiety at the government's patchy reforms, while actually having no and not wiling to have any rights to intervene.
"My responses were largely reactive during my first term," Parvanov said as he presented his new team.
My forecast is for responses largely PR(o)active during his second term.
The president pledged Monday to make up for "the deficit of new ideas" and slammed the "mode of thinking for the mandate's sake" that plagues upon Bulgarian politicians and pushes them into "trivial debates".
Is he any different?
Bulgarians have seen many examples of how a high-ranking politician should not talk - from the ambiguous and broken Bulgarian of the former prime minister Simeon Saxe-Coburg to the meandering, flowery and all too hazy style of President Georgi Parvanov. And it does not take a psychologist to see that the speech translates best they way one thinks and acts.
Facts bear out the theory.
Parvanov says he despises attempts to capitalize on the plight of the jailed nurses in Libya. Yet it was him, who used images from his visit to Libya in his pre-election campaign and shrugged off calls to take away the medals bestowed on the Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafi.
Parvanov says he loves to work with the ruling coalition. Yet it was his people, who frowned at the recent issue of the Socialist new social policy program, just two days before he presents the social economic strategy of his second term. And spawned rumors of setting up a new party.
Parvanov says the commission handling the secret files of former State Security is free to check at its own will the past of his advisors. Yet it must be him, who should know best that the new legislation does not make this an obligatory requirement when it comes to presidential advisers.
What new does actually Parvanov want to do? Turning back to his inaugural speech for clues has one problem. He created an atmosphere of finger wagging anxiety at the government's patchy reforms, while actually having no and not wiling to have any rights to intervene.
"My responses were largely reactive during my first term," Parvanov said as he presented his new team.
My forecast is for responses largely PR(o)active during his second term.
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